Meanwhile, in the Kenyan hinterlands, the usual emergency starts again . . .

Another drought, more famine.  One of the early and formative conversations I had shortly after arriving to work in Kenya was with a judge who encouraged me to take note of the living conditions of the people that he saw in the pastoralist regions when he traveled to remote courts: “it is hard to believe that they are Kenyans” and yet lived in such difficult circumstances.

During the last drought in 2008-09 we had the infamous Maize Scandal, the first big new scandal for the Grand Coalition, and as yet unresolved.  How will the Government of Kenya respond this time, or is this just an issue between the outside humanitarians and the locals and not worth notice in Nairobi?

Act now to mitigate drought effects, say aid agencies, IRIN

Kenya can best mitigate the devastating effects of recurrent drought by strengthening the livestock sector so that it becomes a viable money-based economy, and improving pastoral food and water security, say aid officials.

“Responding to drought has largely remained a reactive mechanism over the years,” Enrico Eminae, Action Aid Kenya’s Northeast Regional Coordinator, told IRIN. “There is also a lack of a coordinated approach by CSOs [civil society organizations] and government in addressing drought-related issues at all levels.”

According to the Kenya Red Cross Society (KRCS) Secretary-General, Abbas Gullet, drought mitigation should focus on addressing vulnerability factors through activities such as dam construction and investments in irrigated farming in marginal areas.

.  .  .  .

The story of drought and famine is almost becoming a cliché in Kenya,” noted Damaris Mateche, environmental security analyst at the Institute for Security Studies in Nairobi. “Despite the existing drought early warning systems in the country, drought disaster response mechanisms and coping strategies remain miserably wanting. More often, drought and famine situations degenerate into dire humanitarian crises before the government takes substantial action.” (emphasis added)

“Coping with hardship in pastoralist regions,” IRIN

Politics, Development and the Tea Strike in Kenya

“More than just a gathering storm in Kenya’s tea cup”

Tea Plantation Housing

The banner “theme” photograph for this blog and the inset above were taken on a James Finlay Co. tea plantation outside Kericho, Kenya only a few weeks before post-election violence swept the area at the end of December 2007. I have other pictures from the area on Flickr. This is an old story–mechanization versus manual labor. Efficiency for the firm against social costs. Foreign or multinational firms, local workers. Ethnic and class issues among owners, managers and “pickers”. (I write from Mississippi, where cotton was once king . . . )

Kenya is the world’s leading exporter of black tea. This is an important part of the overall GNP. Much tea is grown on small estates–much is also on plantations, some owned by multinational businesses such as Finlay, some owned by politicians, most notably former president Moi. Like horticulture, it provides a large number of low wage jobs with associated rural housing. Surely no one’s ideal for long term development (unless you happen to own a large farm yourself) but a lot better than nothing (and very photogenic). Over time presumably the pickers lose the basic argument to the owners of the land suitable for tea production on the inexorable logic of the firm–lower cost production.

To first-time visitors in Kericho and adjoining highlands of Nandi, Nyamira and Kisii, the well-trimmed tea bushes, dotted with pickers with extended baskets, is a sight to behold.

The visions of tea-pickers have been revised somewhat; the baskets have been replaced with gadgets that are pulled by two pickers hauling select leaves into its storage space.

But this calm view of the tea plantations is deceptive; the low hum of the tea-picking machines has been replaced by angry shouts that hit a crescendo Monday, as workers protested unemployment accelerated by machine use.

Workers at James Finlays Tea Estate operate a tea plucking machine, which has been blamed for job losses, triggering a workers’ strike. [PHOTO: VITALIS KIMUTAI/STANDARD]

Some 50,000 tea pluckers in the tea estates spread across Kericho, Bomet, Nandi, Nyamira and Kisii counties protesting the mechanisation of picking green leaf were expected to participate in the labour protest, although its success appeared partial.

The strike was called by Kenya Plantation and Agricultural Workers Union (KPAWU) yesterday, and whose members work in tea estates under the Kenya Tea Growers Association (KTGA).

The affected companies are James Finlays Tea Kenya, Unilever Tea Kenya, George Williamsons, Sotik Tea and Eastern Produce, among others.

Mechanical Plucking

In 2006, when Central Organisation of Trade Unions (Cotu) first called tea pickers’ strike to protest mechanisation, the area under mechanical plucking consisted of 694 hectares or 2.3 per cent of the total area under tea in the association’s 42 members estates, which has 30,000 hectares.

Then, James Finlay had 600 hectares under mechanised production, Unilever had 54 hectares while Sotik Tea had 32 hectares.

“We have tried to reason with the multinational tea companies over the issue but they have refused to listen. The only way out for us is to let workers down their tools,” said Issa Wafula, KPAWU assistant secretary general.
. . . .
Tom Okinda, a worker at a multinational tea company in Kericho County said favouritism, tribalism and nepotism were rife in employment tea plucking machine operators.

“Those retained are relatives, friends or neighbours of senior managers who have the final say in employment matters, while those who do not have any connection with the management are laid off,” he claimed.

Hellen Tangi, a businesswoman, said there were days when it was prestigious for one to work for a multinational tea firm as some of the unskilled jobs offered a good pay.

But not anymore.

“Despite raking in millions from the fertile farms, these foreigners do not care about locals working for them,” she lamented. Francis Atwoli, the Cotu Secretary General said mechanisation in the tea industry should be discouraged, as it was not good for the economy of developing countries like Kenya.

“The direct and multiplier effect of mechanisation of tea plucking and pruning in the country outweighs the implied cost-savings that employers are claiming,” Atwoli said.

Atwoli further claimed introduction of machines compromised the quality of tea thus affecting the overall auction prices. “Quality of tea is bound to drop with use of the machines since selective plucking of two leaves and a bud will not be adhered to as should be the case,” Atwoli said.

Democratic governance–one man, one vote, rather than one acre or one shilling–can support opportunities for policies that account for needs and interests of displaced workers, such as support for alternative development over time, education and training and such. Another theory of course would be that this isn’t a governance question at all and the government should have as little to do with any of this as possible other than to, say, keep the Ugandans out.

AFRICOM and the “Whale of Government” Approach? [Updated]

Ok, maybe it’s tilapia instead of whale, but I thought this blog post from AFRICOM public affairs was worth a look:

By Dace Mahanay, Bush School of Government and Public Service at Texas A&M University graduate student

Note: Dace Mahanay is currently interning with the Borlaug Institute on an AFRICOM agriculture project in Kisangani, DRC. He is sending periodic blogs detailing the project’s progress.

At Camp Base, just outside of Kisangani in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Norman Borlaug Institute for International Agriculture continues to work with Agriculture Company (AgCo), a company of Congolese soldiers (Forces Armes de la Republique Democratique du Congo, widely known as FARDC), in an effort to provide sustainable methods of food production for the training center and U.S.-trained light infantry battalion. From fish farming to the cultivation of cassava, the needs of soldiers are being met in a sustainable way that is positive for the future of Camp Base and the community of Kisangani as a whole.

The last few weeks have been an exciting time for the agricultural project. A fish farming expert from the U.S. visited the project and provided valuable recommendations for increased production of tilapia and African catfish. The first batch of harvestable tilapia will be ready in the next couple of months and will be an excellent source of protein for FARDC soldiers.

The President’s new development policy invokes a “whole of government” approach, and I did learn last week about some encouraging specifics in coordination, such as the fact that the MCC has, for the first time, executed an actual Memorandum of Understanding with USAID. Nonetheless, if AFRICOM as a military combatant command, is going to be leading agricultural projects in places where we are not openly militarily engaged except in “permanent” and ongoing training and related activities, what are the lines between civilian and military? Between defense/security/diplomacy and development/agriculture assistance?

It sounds like a great program from an agricultural standpoint. Also sounds like it gets into areas that could involve unintended consequences if all the local circumstances are not well understood.

Update: Here is a story raising the issue of reports of rape and murder by the Congolese army:

Government troops are raping, killing and robbing civilians in the same area of eastern Democratic Republic of Congo where militias carried out mass rapes more than two months ago, a top United Nations envoy said.

Margot Wallstrom, who is responsible for UN efforts to combat sexual violence in conflict, told the Security Council that UN peacekeepers have received reports of rapes, killings and looting by government soldiers.

“The possibility that the same communities who were brutalised in July and August by FDLR and Mai Mai elements are now also suffering [at the hands of the army] is unimaginable and unacceptable,” she said, referring to the Rwandan-led rebels from the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Rwanda.

Khat Shop

Khat Shop

Obama’s “US Global Development Policy”–what part of this is 60s “anti-colonial” radicalism?

Obama’s speech to UN Development Summit, announcing “US Global Development Policy” (from NBC; h/t Aid Watch)

So let’s put to rest the old myth that development is mere charity that does not serve our interests. And let’s reject the cynicism that says certain countries are condemned to perpetual poverty. For the past half century has witnessed more gains in human development than at any time in history. A disease that had ravaged the generations, smallpox, was eradicated. Health care has reached the far corners of the world, saving the lives of millions. From Latin America to Africa to Asia, developing nations have transformed into leaders in the global economy.

. . . .

As President, I have made it clear that the United States will do our part. My national security strategy recognizes development as not only a moral imperative, but a strategic and economic imperative. Secretary of State Clinton is leading a review to strengthen and better coordinate our diplomacy and development efforts. We’ve reengaged with multilateral development institutions. And we’re rebuilding the United States Agency for International Development as the world’s premier development agency. In short, we’re making sure that the United States will be a global leader in international development in the 21st century.
. . . .

We also recognize that the old ways will not suffice. That is why in Ghana last year I called for a new approach to development that unleashes transformational change and allows more people to take control of their own destiny. After all, no country wants to be dependent on another. No proud leader in this room wants to ask for aid. And no family wants to be beholden to the assistance of others.
To pursue this vision, my administration conducted a comprehensive review of America’s development programs. We listened to leaders in government, NGOs and civil society, the private sector and philanthropy, Congress and our many international partners.

Today, I am announcing our new U.S. Global Development Policy-the first of its kind by an American administration. It’s rooted in America’s enduring commitment to the dignity and potential of every human being. And it outlines our new approach and the new thinking that will guide our overall development efforts, including the plan that I promised last year and that my administration has delivered to pursue the Millennium Development Goals.

Put simply, the United States is changing the way we do business.

. . . .

First, we’re changing how we define development. For too long, we’ve measured our efforts by the dollars we spent and the food and medicines we delivered. But aid alone is not development. Development is helping nations to actually develop-moving from poverty to prosperity. And we need more than just aid to unleash that change. We need to harness all the tools at our disposal-from our diplomacy to our trade and investment policies.

Second, we’re changing how we view the ultimate goal of development. Our focus on assistance has saved lives in the short term, but it hasn’t always improved those societies over the long term. Consider the millions of people who have relied on food assistance for decades. That’s not development, that’s dependence, and it’s a cycle we need to break. Instead of just managing poverty, we have to offer nations and peoples a path out of poverty.

Continue reading

Development Challenges: Ugandan Elections and Hunger in NE Kenya

Uganda ElectionsHere is an interesting report regarding the various NGO efforts to the potential violence that is a growing concern in relation to Uganda’s upcoming February 2011 elections. Concerns expressed include questions about excessively expensive or wasteful projects, the need to distinguish between important and effective groups and those “which are just parasitic”, and the degree to which donors should dictate the use of funds and the extent to which this may influence the political process.

One project singled out for scrutiny is a soccer tournament “to reconcile the warring political parties” organized by the Global Peace Festival Foundation, an organization launched by Prof. Apollo Nsibambi, the prime minister, on August 30.

In total, the two football competitions will cost GPFF Shs 610 million–enough money for a strong opposition party to run a successful compaign. Moreover, experts say that the majority of NGO funds are spent on workshops, furnished offices, and workers’ remuneration, leaving very little for the real projects.

According to the NGO registration board, there are over 8500 civil society organizations in Uganda and of these over 1000 are aimed at preventing violence or promoting election integrity.

Northeastern Kenya–high levels of child malnutrition continue to exist in spite of better rains recently according the the World Food Program. The previous drought reduced herds, so pastoralists continue to lack meat, milk and blood. Likewise, general underdevelopment from lack of health care facitlities, lack of roads and transportation, and lack of education (mothers’ illiteracy contributes to lack of knowledge about proper nutrition for children). A report today on IRIN entitled “Instability Without Borders” explains that the spillover effects from instability and al-Shabaab control of bordering areas of Somalia has driven some aid organizations out and greatly driven up costs for others, reducing the ability for service delivery to address these problems. While the border is porous to the flow of small arms and raids, it appears from the report that Kenya’s police high police presence has helped prevent major escalations on the Kenyan side of the border, the threat from previous cross-border kidnappings and raids, along with the general insecurity and prevalence of arms has resulted in a daily 12-hour curfew and a standard requirement that all travel include armed escort and has led many organizations to park their own vehicles and only travel in hired transport.

Tabasco in Zanzibar

Tabasco in Zanzibar

American products are relatively few and far between in East Africa. While there are a more substantial number of products from international companies headquartered in the U.S., actual export of goods from the U.S. is very limited. Here is a product manufactured right here in the deep Gulf South. While the peppers are grown at several locations globally now, as well as at Avery Island, Louisiana, all of the sauce making and bottling is done at the original Avery Island plant.

A little good news . . .

In spite of some serious flooding, the overall good rains in Kenya have resulted in “major improvements” in food security, reports the Famine Early Warning System Network.

Trade and Aid [Update]

A Good African Tale: an African entrepreneur struggles for recognition in rich county markets from the Economist.

Update: “Rwanda Coffee Success Story” from William Easterly’s AidWatch (HT Texas in Africa)

Nick Wadham’s latest in Time: Bad Charity (All I got was this lousy t-shirt) — and his related blog post, Top-Down Aid for Africa.

Texas in Africa has a great related multi-part series of discussion questions May 4-7 about the Western approach to aid and development in Africa:

This week I’ve been trying to sketch an outline of how Westerners tend to develop and characterize our relationship with Africa and the people who live there, specifically with reference to the international aid and development system. I’ve argued that the savior mentality is misguided, that Africa is not rightfully ours to save, and that a better way to assist would be through a paradigm of empowerment. . . .
Today I want to conclude this series by thinking about what is probably the biggest barrier to moving into an empowerment paradigm: the governments that give and receive aid. . . .
Why? Because aid – for donor governments and the governments which receive the bulk of aid – is inherently political. Except in cases involving natural disasters or epidemic disease, donors don’t typically give freely to everyone out of the goodness of their intentions. Aid projects are funded at least in part (and sometimes entirely) on the basis of donor priorities. When aid projects take into account the real, expressed needs of recipients (which is, I’m glad to say, increasingly real for most project), they are often structured in such a way as to advantage suppliers or producers in the donor state, or to reward good governance or provide support to an ally.
As we might expect, there is often a contrast between donor goals and what is actually needed in order to improve the material situations of the recipients. . . .


UPDATE
NYTimes: “At Front Lines, AIDs War is Falling Apart”; “Paper Cuts: How Obama’s Father Came to Hawaii”; “Letters: From Kenya to America”

Reuters: Donors to slash Tanzania budget aid.

Nick Wadhams at NPR:“Somali Pirates Take the Money and Run, to Kenya”

The Times (London): Book review–“War Games: The Story of Aid and War in Modern Times by Linda Polman
Humanitarian aid prolongs conflict and misery because the bad guys learn how to exploit it”
;
“Easy Money: the great aid scam”

“Tea party pokes fun at Obama’s rivals”–Daily Nation

Tea party pokes fun at Obama’s rivals

Kenyan Tea Party–a fun public relations idea for DC–just too bad that they would pick as their Kenyan headliner one of the prime reputed suspects in the current ICC investigation.